The media have a fundamental role in the social construction of reality and in the stereotyped representation of some sectors of it. This article analyzes the informative treatment of the Bío Bío's TV newscasts regarding indigenous peoples and deals with the social stigma that falls on the indigenous people of the area. More than 95 percent of the news related to the Mapuche people have a negative connotation, associating the comunero as a violent person, oblivious to the dialogue, who does not respect the rule of law or their institutions.
In this paper we address the construction of social representations that the native society produces regarding the population of sub-Saharan African origin that lives in the City of Buenos Aires. Based on the application of a quantitative research, we recover inquiries from a questionnaire applied to people born and resident in Buenos Aires, referring to education and work to reconstruct representations towards African migrants. We understand that they contain racializing elements, whose origins go back to the construction that traditionally occurred with respect to the population of non-white-European origin in Argentina.
The location of immigrants in Santiago has spread from central and peri-central areas towards the periphery neglected and stigmatized, generating new disputes and territorial margins due to ambivalent institutional discourses of inclusion / exclusion and competition for scarce public benefits. Under 'new racism', traditional spaces of exclusion show new nuances of marginality, such as the Lo Hermida district in Peñalolén. Based on a case study, there is an analysis of the action and inaction of local institutions in the construction of socio-spatial conflicts between immigrants and the native population. There are problems of relegation in benefits, exclusive access to housing, and informal work, which denotes a hyper-precarization of immigration and a racialized geography of the conflict.
This text makes a cut of the master's dissertation on Human Rights and discusses the relations between human rights and current migrations. The research, of a qualitative character, is carried out through the hypothetical-deductive method, and reflects on how the right to solidarity and empathy can be considered essential for the effectiveness of human rights in relation to migrations. The hypothesis is that from an effective citizen state the solidarity and empathy in society are created and conditions are established to establish mutual respect among the citizens. It defends the right to migrate as a natural and originating right, embracing the interculturality and the contact of the peoples, denouncing the criminalization of the being.
Based on a theoretical reflection, this work explores discursive relations between organizational strategy meanings produced in business news and in organizational communication processes. The concepts of strategy and decision, discussed in light of Niklas Luhmann's systems theory, are articulated with the content and process dimensions of strategy. This theoretical framework establishes and indicates that, in their self-referenced universe of meanings, organizational systems perceive business news and appropriate terms and practices that become part of their communicational processes, and thereby shape their organizational strategies. On the other hand, also in a self-referenced system, business news (re)produce meanings of terms and practices adopted by organizations.
The objective of this article is to describe and analyze the practices of tactical and / or strategic use that "black" Latin American immigrants mobilize in different spaces of interaction in Chilean society. To do so, it discusses the concept of social practices and especially of tactics and strategies, following the proposals of De Certeau. Secondly, it analyzes the practices of resistance and the creation of transnational spaces that Afro Latin American immigrants develop. Finally, it concludes with the idea that although many “black” immigrants permanently live de-humanization situations in Chile (harassment, stigmatization, violence or exploitation), they manage to elaborate ways to facilitate their settlement in a racist and sexist society.
Film, understood as a mechanism that shapes discourses, as much as a discourse itself, fixed by the camera, offers a wide range of entries to inquire about social issues. From the cinematographic (re)presentations of Ecuador-Europe migratory, as processes proposed by two Ecuadorian fiction feature films produced in the first decade of the 20th century, this text reflects upon the possibilities of intercultural dialogues, fostered by migration. To inquire into migration seen through cinema, this reflection assumes cultural studies as its horizon of understanding.
As a cultural institution, the press plays a fundamental role in documenting and forging the public image of migrants. This paper analyzes two thematic axes in the post 9/11 narrative of the New York Times on migration. The image that was created during the year following the terrorist attacks presents on the one hand the Mexican migrant as a potential terrorist and on the other hand migration as a global problem. It is fundamental to problematize the rhetoric about contemporary migration by inserting it in the ideological roots that defined that moment and in the historical framework of the Mexico-United States relationship. The media rhetoric post 9/11 contributed to the emergence of a new international agenda by globalizing this representation.
This article explores political potentiality of online civic conversation for the constitution of alternative public spheres in Cuba. The analysis of the comments on migration in the Cubadebate site is articulated with a critical examination of the environment and the wider social context surrounding messages, in order to identifying how the interlocutors define common problems, how they explain moral premises supporting their opinions and how they establish an ethical relationship with otherness. It became clear that the appropriation of virtual spaces by Cubans for conversations about problems that affect them, even in mainstream media, contributes to the reconfiguration of their possibilities of autonomous action in the transformative scenario of the country.
This article investigates the processes of creation of subjectivity, singularization and subversion engendered by the use of non-binary self-declared people of the hashtag #whatgenderqueerlookslike on Twitter. Through the articulation between studies on the digital media, Queer Theory and Deleuze and Guattari's theorizations about subjectivity, it was observed that there was an empowering appropriation of the social network by the non-binary subjects, who could manifest through the internet their rhizomatic subjectivity and singularization, as well as their subversions, within the performativity, that provoke tensions in the social patterns that define the linear connection between sex, gender and desire.
This paper reflects on the role of cinema machine in the construction of children’s identity. Along with discussing some conceptual issues around visual language, two lines of inquiry are offered through which we try to demonstrate the performative nature of the cinematographic image in the production of childhood: the use of the film camera in psychology research of childhood and an analysis of some tropes of childhood that emerge in contemporary Chilean cinema.
The paper examines the scope of educommunication as a possibility for clarification on nanotechnology through comics. Nanotechnology is permeated by uncertainties about environmental and social risks and impacts, as well as the absence of a public debate on implications and controversies, even with the potential benefits. Therefore, we discussed aspects of education by comics in order to assess how complex issues can be addressed to a wider audience. Methodologically, a qualitative analysis is applied from the descriptive method to verify how nanotechnology is worked. An interpretation is made of the approaches adopted in the comics and their potentials are examined to educate on the effects and consequences of nanotechnology.
Prison as a penal agency of the State strengthens, consolidates and intensifies, over those who inhabit it social meanings that place the detainee as surplus, excess and defect. From the theoretical perspective of cultural studies, we recognize communication as a field of material and symbolic fight where the senses that constitute us are disputed. In that sense, registering the experience of the workshop of communication and journalism in two prisons in the south of the province of Santa Fe (Argentina), we will investigate the subjective, institutional and political effects generated by the communication practices of the everyday life in confinement.
This article investigates the media representation of Senegalese migration to Brazil, drawing on debates on identity, representation, diaspora, and racism. It maps out media coverage on Senegalese migration in the state of Rio Grande do Sul by analyzing the content of 145 news items on websites from eight newspapers between 2014 and 2015. Later, this helps to analyze an article portraying the arrival of new migration flows to the country from newspaper Zero Hora. We have identified that, even though it is set to show migrants’ situation in a humanized fashion, the newspaper article still reinforces the association between victimhood and migration, thus pointing to a media construction that naturalizes differences between us, nationals, and the other, the black migrant.
The coming to power of the German National Socialist Party in 1933 will mean the beginning of persecutions of non-Aryan collectives and different political currents. The location of the German Jewish population occurs from 1935 with the collaboration of humanitarian agencies and associations. A solution will be sought in Latin America and Ecuador was one of the countries that will welcome European migrants. We try to describe in this investigation the migration policy of the different governments of Ecuador with respect to Jews through consular actions in Europe.
This article aims to clarify the social relations produced by several agents that have resulted in the Ley de Medios in Argentina. It is considered the political struggle between the Kirchner’s government and Clarin Group leading the social actors to fight for recognition of legitimacy, the power to identify the theme of democratization of media. It will be used the bourdieusian method, comprising the formation and the transformation of the journalistic field and it’s relations with the political and economic fields. From the results obtained, it is possible to verify that the Ley de Medios is a product of several relations conceived between the agents on political and journalistic field, both suffering a strong pressure from the economic field.
This text contrasts the characteristics of the institutional functioning of the National Public Media System of Argentina in the period 2003-2009 with the definitions that emerged in the last three decades from the Latin American studies on communication policies for the construction of genuine public media. Based on the analysis, it verifies the interference of the Executive Power in the decision making on the state media during the stage. It is also noted that the unstable institutionality and the legal regime made it difficult to unify criteria for decisions and operational logics. Nonetheless, it vas building progressively a system of conceptual guidelines with an emphasis on pluralism, quality, a public and federal narrative, and the expansion of service.
Two concepts which appear titularly, orient this paper – “Schizophrenic Seas” and the “Trans-Nation.” “The Schizophrenic Sea” is Wilson Harris’s term which appears in his classic collection of essays, The Womb of Space. The “trans-nation” is Bill Aschroft’s attempt to revise the over-reaching framing of the post-colonial. For this paper, I propose to bring these two concepts together, as constitutive of each other. They move in different directions, but allow for a series of returns to unsettled boundaries, redefined sea-scapes and land-scapes definitely given the nature of island instability and the effects of environmental turns, creating a Caribbean-trans nation that also in my reading redefines Caribbean space.
This research is an approach to the press regulation´s system in Santiago de Cuba. Through this study the regulation´s manifestations are identified in the journalistic production´s process of two Mass Media of the province: Sierra Maestra Journal and the Radio station CMKC. The conceptualizations of reality and journalism professional practices serve as theoretical guide for this study, besides of the conceptions on the regulatory mark of the mass media. The methodological design identifies this investigation as descriptive and convergent in the quantitative-qualitative. The Etnomethodology is the main method, supported by techniques as the participant observation, the deep interview and documental analysis.
This paper discusses how the theme policy of communication had treated by the Workers' Party (PT) over the years in its government plans. The analysis comprises 25 years, between 1989 and 2014. During this period were held seven elections for the Brazilian president, and four terms were elected Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). It is adopted as a methodology a documental research and content analysis of the proposals submitted by the PT candidates. The study reveals inconsistencies between party orientations in this field and government practices, as well as evidence that the PT's commitment to regulate communication was fading with each disputed election. The party itself has recently recognized that one of the misconceptions committed during the four terms of office was not to have democratization of the media as one of the priority tasks.