Goldthorpe's class schema is arguably the most influential conceptualization and operationalization of social class in European sociology. However, as of yet there is no study of the schema's validity. The aim of this paper is to test the criterion-related validity of the employee classes within the schema by examining their association with a range of relevant occupational characteristics. Using data from a British national probability survey it is shown that the schema predicts those characteristics-employment and payment conditions and future prospects-which are considered central to Goldthorpe's concept of class, as well as secondary distinguishing characteristics of classes; control over work activities, authority relations, and levels of pay. Moreover, the finding of a particularly strong association between class and indicators of employment conditions, is consistent with the key distinction-between a service relationship and a labour contract-embodied in the schema. Overall, the data provide support for the division of the schema into a hierarchy of service, intermediate, and working classes. In addition, it is shown that most methods of aggregation have only minor consequences for the validity of the schema, although in some cases there is a reduction in its predictive power. It is concluded that the schema operationalizes the basic principles of Goldthorpe's conceptualization of the class structure. The only minor deviation from the pattern of divisions embodied in the schema is the failure to find clear differences between the employment relations of skilled workers (class VI) and semi- and unskilled workers (class VII), and between classes I and II. This supports the strategy of aggregating those pairs of classes to form the 'salariat' and the 'working class'.
Recent trends indicate substantial changes in the labour-force status of women in Western industrialized societies. Many studies indicate that shifts in sex-role attitudes have apparently accompanied these changes, but research has not focused on the specific conditions under which men and women approve of non-familial roles for women. Moreover, virtually no comparative research exists on this topic. In this paper, data for three Western countries-the former West Germany, Great Britain, and the United States-are compared with respect to attitudes toward female labour-force participation. The data, taken from the 1988 ISSP (International Social Survey Program) module on the family, focus specifically on the conditions under which respondents approve of women working. Results indicate that the attitudes of both men and women reflect substantial preference for a primary familial role for women, especially when young children are present. Intra-country patterns of predictable variation in attitudes are quite similar in the countries considered: attitudes favouring the labour-force involvement of women are associated with gender, labour-force experience, schooling, and birth cohort. Inter-country differences can in part be explained by normative differences in labour-force participation rates of women and perceptions of the suitability of child-care resources, but most of the inter-country differences were unexplained by the factors considered and are thought to be due to unmeasured normative and institutional factors associated with the care and nurture of children.
Occupational segregation is important and difficult to measure. Summary measures are used to track change in the sexual division of labour across decades, but no single index can capture all dimensions of interest, in particular vertical segregation, which explains much of the sex differential in earnings. The choice of index is not crucial; research results are determined primarily by other methodological choices in the formatting of the base data-set. Britain provides a strategic case for assessing the impact of recession and work-force restructuring in the 1980s, in analyses based on Census and Labour Force Survey data for 1979-90 for 550 occupational groups. Surprisingly, the 1980s display a larger fall in occupational segregation than previous decades. Women's labour-force participation is examined more closely; the explanation is identified as a rise in women's work commitment, and in women's full-time employment, which occurred for the first time in the 1980s. On this basis, a substantial decline in occupational segregation is predicted for the 1990s, with a consequential impact on the male-female earnings gap. The growth of integrated occupations and the changing pattern of vertical segregation will provide a better basis for monitoring trends in future years than any summary index.
The CASMIN model of class mobility proposed by Erikson and Goldthorpe advances our understanding of cross-national differences in social mobility in a number of important ways, most notably by showing how differences in the association between social origins and destinations reflect consequences of public policies that enhance or restrict opportunities. We respecify the CASMIN model in ways that clarify (a) the role of socio-economic differences among classes in mobility processes and (b) the extent of cross-national variation. In particular, the problems with the CASMIN model are its application to highly aggregated occupational classes, its suppression of hierarchical or vertical differences among classes, and its asymmetric classification of origin and destination classes. Our alternative specification is based on greater occupational detail, incorporates continuous covariates in linear-by-linear expressions that are analogous to regression models, and imposes symmetry on the association between origins and destinations. We find that the CASMIN model understates the importance of hierarchy relative to sector and inheritance in the determination of mobility patterns generally as well as in cross-national differences. Furthermore, the symmetry of our model facilitates the analysis of structural mobility as a factor that contributes to cross-national differences in overall mobility rates.
This paper considers the effects of social mobility on political behaviour. Several theoretical accounts suggest that the upwardly mobile adopt the behaviour typical of their destination while the downwardly mobile tend to retain the behaviour typical of their origin. This hypothesis is tested using data from the United States and Western Europe on voting behaviour and class identification. The paper applies and extends the 'diagonal' mobility effects models developed by Sobel, which allow for several types of asymmetry. There is some evidence that the effectiveness of political socialization differs among classes, but these differences are not related to status. These results cast doubt on the claim that individual mobility favours the political right.
In this paper we respond to the critiques of our work undertaken under the auspices of the CASMIN project that are presented by Hout and Hauser and by Sørensen in preceding papers in this number. We treat in turn issues concerning data comparability and the class schema that we use as the basis for our analyses of mobility; our model of 'core social fluidity'; and empirical results relevant to the evaluation of the FJH-hypothesis. In conclusion we point to certain conceptual presuppositions and related research interests which we would see as deeply rooted in the American tradition of work in the field of social stratification and mobility and which, we suggest, throw light on the nature of the reaction that our work has provoked.
This paper explores the patterns of economic integration of Arab women in Israel. Specifically, it examines the extent to which development, as well as cultural and structural constraints, affect labour-force participation and gender-linked occupational differentiation of women who belong to an ethnic minority which is both culturally traditional, and socially and politically subordinate. A comparative analysis is carried out across 42 major communities in which Arabs reside. First, we study the effect of local labour-market structure and social composition on labour-force participation. The findings reveal that female employment tends to increase with the size of the agricultural sector, and to decrease with limited labour-market opportunities. Employment is additionally affected by social and cultural factors such as fertility and religious affiliation. Further analysis examines gender-linked occupational differentiation. We find that occupational differentiation in the Arab labour-force is substantial, with women generally holding the more prestigious and higher status occupations. Differentiation and the occupational advantage of women is strongly related to female labour-force participation. As the proportion of employed women rises, more women are channelled into manual and service jobs and their occupational advantage diminishes.
This study was carried out to investigate how and when union dissolution appears in the life cycle of an Italian woman through a legal or de-facto separation. Among Western European countries Italy stands out in terms of demographic behaviour. Italian society is in an advanced stage of demographic development regarding mortality and reproductive behaviour, but still shows traditional conjugal models and attitudes towards any form of cohabitation other than marriage and towards divorce. However, though at macro-level, marriage dissolution is still considered a secondary phenomenon in the context of Italian conjugal habits, increasing interest in the analysis of individual strategies concerning family building and maintenance leads to giving divorce more attention as a step in the individual life course. The final aim of this project is to analyse the characteristics of persons experiencing this event and to individuate any possible highest-risk life course and the socio-economic context in which it developed. Women most exposed to the risk of marital disruption seem to be those who married very young, who have had no more than one child, who are better educated, who have full-time jobs and who reside in large towns in the north-west of Italy. In addition, a woman who cohabits with her partner before marrying him is more likely to separate than a woman entering marriage directly.
This is a study of the effect of pre-marital cohabitation on marital stability in the Netherlands on the basis of life course data collected in 1984. According to the 'weeding' hypothesis, husband and wife who have first tested their relationship successfully in a consensual union should be better equipped to deal with the build-up of possible tensions. The focus of comparison in the present study is on Sweden. By way of introduction some theoretical notions on life course research in general are first put forward. The empirical analysis itself is divided into two parts. In Part One a semi-parametric approach to the Dutch data seems to confirm the contradictory pattern found for Sweden, namely that marital partners who have lived together pre-maritally are subject to first union disruption risks that are not any lower than those for marital partners who did not go through such a preparatory phase. In Part Two, however, results from a stratified, fully parametric model seem to call the validity of these findings into question. Evidence from a (log)logistic specification of first union disruption risks in the Netherlands points clearly in the direction of strong 'weeding' effects.
Poverty is a domain of research that has grown apace and continues to expand rapidly. Yet scholarship in the field has been quite unidimensional, concentrating mainly on defining poverty in income terms and measuring it in relation to income cut-off points. This article sets out to identify the place of female poverty in research to date. First, some empirical findings are reviewed for what they reveal about poverty among women. This indicates that women have been largely ignored and indeed that the research, using the methodology it has used, is largely incapable of fully accounting for the position of women. Reasons why this is so are then outlined through a critical analysis of the definition and operationalization of the concept of poverty and of substantive methodological choices like the unit of analysis and the time series covered by the data. Finally, some implications for future research are developed.
Patterns of relative inter-generational mobility among men in 23 industrialized nations are studied, particularly with reference to the Featherman, Jones, and Hauser (1975) hypothesis, which claims that underlying relative rates of mobility in industrialized nations are basically similar. The reigning model of cross-national similarities in the structure of mobility (Erikson and Goldthorpe, 1987a, 1987b) leaves a significant portion of the association between origins and destinations unexplained. This suggests that the model does not adequately tap the location of major class cleavages in some nations. A more inductive approach is adopted by fitting a scaled association model which does not make a priori assumptions about category scalings. The scale values generated by this model allow the comparison, across nations, of relative inter-class distances. Major mobility profiles are identified and shown to account for a substantial portion of the cross-national variation in the structure of association.
The concern of this paper is to locate the escalating international trade in drugs and the associated international problem of 'money-laundering': firstly, on the production side, as an effect of the demise of mass production in Western countries and the intensification of competition for capital; and, secondly, on the demand side, in terms of the cultural conditions contributing to the consumption of hard drugs, especially in North American metropolitan areas. The argument attempts to provide an alternative, sociological account, grounded in political economy and cultural theory, to the more familiar demonological accounts of Western political leaders and journalists, which tend to focus too simplistically on the activities of Third World drug-barons.
This paper outlines a general model of job changing and job loss in the youth labour-market, drawing on recent approaches in the sociology and economics of labour-markets. Empirical implications of the model are derived and tested using accelerated failure-time models applied to longitudinal data from the youth labour-market in the Republic of Ireland in the mid-1980s. The tests largely support the theoretical propositions, and the analysis also sheds light on a number of issues that have been addressed in the empirical literature on youth labour-markets, such as the segmentation of the youth labour-force and the relationship between employment instability, personal characteristics, and job characteristics.
In an ambitious and wide-ranging paper, Ganzeboom, Luijkx, and Treiman (1989) have analysed 149 mobility tables for over thirty countries covering, in some cases, three to four decades. They cast their analysis and interpretation largely in terms of the hypothesis of common social fluidity, a generalization advanced sixteen years ago by Featherman, Jones, and Hauser (1975). With respect to the FJH hypothesis, they reach a definite and unambiguous conclusion: the hypothesis of common social fluidity is simply incorrect. I reanalyse their data to show that their conclusion is itself incorrect. Indeed, the evidence for common social fluidity is stronger than that for a world-wide similarity in occupational prestige hierarchies, a proposition strongly endorsed by at least one of the above critics.
The literature on corruption and scandals suggests that there is an unsettled issue concerning whether the public opinion of citizens is greatly influenced by reports of scandal and corruption. Recent developments in Greek politics provide an excellent empirical setting for the testing of how much influence scandals may have on party preference and voting. Toward the end of and after the controversial Papandreou administration in Greece (June 1981 - June 1989), a great deal of attention was given to scandals that plagued the socialist government. Two of the major scandals centered on Papandreou's love affair with a former airline stewardess, and the Koskotas scandal that allegedly involved millions of dollars being transferred from the Bank of Crete to the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the ruling socialist party headed by Papandreou, and to friends of then Prime Minister Papandreou. The reaction of the Greeks to the love affair and the Koskotas scandal, and the potential influence of these reactions on party preference and voting are considered. Other variables that may be influential in shaping voting preferences are also examined.