At the end of the 1970s, land reform was viewed as the most pressing problem confronting the government of Zimbabwe. In 1979, however, at the Lancaster House discussions of independence, concern over expropriation of land & agricultural production ruled out any significant redistribution of land. Consequently, reform for the 1980s revolved only around resettlement, specifically, of moving black families or cooperatives onto land willingly sold by whites. The progress of land purchase & resettlement was uneven because of farm availability, political lobbying to slow down the resettlement process, & economic shortfalls. Land reemerged as a political issue in 1989 with the expiration of the Lancaster House Constitution & the government's desire to win back the popularity it had lost over a corruption scandal. D. Generoli
Proposals for democratic controls on African governments are only realistic in so far as existing socio-economic structures have the capacity to sustain organized forms of citizen influence. Botswana's problems of an authoritarian culture, a powerful state structure and a submissive mass media practically guarantee a long and tedious transition toward pluralistic democracy.
The evolution of the apartheid city, the primary mechanisms and contradictions of urban apartheid and the decline and crisis of apartheid in the urban arena are discussed. The need for black labor by the white masters was a desire for black "hands" without black "persons and faces."
The anti-colonial conflicts that occurred in Mozambique and Zimbabwe in the 1960s and 1970s gave rise to the Mozambique National Resistance Movement (MNR). The internal and external dynamics of Renamo are discussed.
The process of state consolidation in Africa is viewed from a historical perspective emphasizing the African peoples' alternatives in the face of unfavorable circumstances to either escape or voice protest. Historical evidence suggests migration or exit was the primary option exercised. Recent developments eg, the creation of political boundaries, land shortages, & the nonassimilation of stranger communities has made the migration option more difficult, leaving only such nontraditional options as withdrawal into subsistence production or escape into the informal sector, both of which are costly & less effective. Confronted by unfavorable systems they can no longer leave, the African people may resort to the protest option to produce change. However, these protests may be violent due to the lack of democratic systems allowing for popular expression. The ensuing conflicts are discussed as a manifestation of the process of state consolidation. D. Generoli
Most studies about the economy of southwestrn Nigeria during the first half of the 20th century have focused on the colonial impact, but have glossed over the contributions of alien groups. The dominant features of Lebanese commercial activities in southwestern Nigeria are examined.
A comparison of two accounts of indigenous strategies for coping with hunger in rural communities in West Africa (Watts, M., Silent Violence: Food, Famine and Peasantry in Northern Nigeria, Berkeley: U of California Press, 1983; & Richards, P., Coping with Hunger: Hazard and Experiment in an African Rice-Farming System, London: Unwin Hyman, 1986). The range of agro-ecological & social strategies open to villagers in the two cases is strikingly similar, despite marked differences in case-study contents ie, northern Nigeria & central Sierra Leone & in the pattern of environmental hazards leading to food shortage. Both studies make the point that drought-coping strategies tend to be serially adaptive, not a priori game plans, & describe a range of equivalent or broadly similar risk-minimizing agro-ecological adaptations in the two localities. Both accounts also stress the importance of patron-client links for understanding rural hunger in West Africa. Here, however, interpretations differ, perhaps because of basic differences in the political economy of the two localities under consideration: Watts's study suggests that clientage is regressive under merchant capital, & that drought serves to consolidate long-lasting patterns of indebtedness & dependency; Richards's study, by contrast, stresses the extent to which the moral economy of clientage retains its legitimacy in the eyes of the poor in a region where clients themselves are not invulnerable to periodic failures. It is suggested that local clientage arrangements may have benefits not always appreciated by agencies engaged in hazard-relief & rural development activities. AA
The British imperial policy pursued in the Nuba Mountain region of Sudan during the 1920s and 1930s was enacted "to preserve an authentic Nuba civilization and culture as against a bastard type of Arabization." The faults of Angus Gillan's "Nuba Policy" are discused.
The Mau Mau uprising in Kenya was portrayed by the British as a rejection of civilization and an atavistic regression into barbarity. This image, however, did not match reality and served largely to justify colonial subjugation. The image of the Mau Mau uprising is examined in relation to the interests it served internationally and at home in the UK.
Politics in the Comoro Islands is characterized by chronic factionalism, pegged on a system of patron-client relationships that are symptomatic of the political process in the context of poverty the politics of squalor par excellence. While this political patronage is at the domestic level, it has an external dimension: as a poverty-stricken state, the Comoros have sought to establish & maintain patronage ties with France & South Africa. The cumulative impact of this form of politics has been chronic domestic political instability & compromised national sovereignity vis-a-vis the external world. 1 Table, 1 Figure. Modified AA
As Nigeria's Third Republic takes shape, the issue of freedom of the press is debated. The debate centers on constitutional provisions for the press and the question of ownership and control of the press. Party politics in the debate are examined.
As political negotiations commence in South Africa over the dismantling of apartheid, debate about new political and economic structures is inevitable. A growing resentment of capitalism among South African blacks along with an increasingly positive interest in socialism will play a role in the negotiations.
A case study, drawing on documentary evidence & interview data (N not specified), of Canisius, a Jesuit secondary school in postindependence Zambia, focusing on its struggle to maintain a religious, Catholic, Jesuit identity. Increasing government control over intake of students & staff, curriculum, & discipline, combined with Jesuit ambivalence in the wake of Vatican II, are identified as major factors contributing to the institution's loss of reigious ethos. The potential of the school for the transformation of society is considered, & it is proposed that such institutions have a key role in the promotion of religious ideals, including justice. Modified AA