Ciccarones is one ofseveral groups using agent-based models to understand what is driving the US opioid epidemic - the dramatic rise over the past two decades in the use of opioids, including prescription pain medications and illegal drugs such as heroin. [...]the opioid crisis does have some different driving factors, including the prevalence of prescription drugs, which many have used on the way to abusing illegal drugs, and the introduction of fentanyl, which is often used to boost the potency of heroin and is responsible for a large share of overdose deaths. [...]researchers are coming up with fresh ways of thinking about the crisis. [...]researchers can adjust models such as Pain Town to test various interventions, such as increasing access to emergency rooms, arresting a dealer or equipping police with naloxone (a drug that reverses opioid overdoses), to see how the system reacts and whether it affects the number of deaths over time.
Denaturalization is back. In 1967, the Supreme Court declared that denaturalization for any reason other than fraud or mistake in the naturalization process is unconstitutional, forcing the government to abandon its aggressive denaturalization campaigns. For the last half century, the government denaturalized no more than a handful of people every year. Over the past year, however, the Trump Administration has revived denaturalization. The Administration has targeted 700,000 naturalized American citizens for investigation and has hired dozens of lawyers and staff members to work in a newly created office devoted to investigating and prosecuting denaturalization cases. Using information gathered from responses to Freedom of Information Act requests, legal filings, and interviews, this Essay is the first to describe the Trump Administration's denaturalization campaign in detail. The Essay then situates denaturalization within the Trump Administration's broader approach to immigration. Under a policy known as "attrition through enforcement," the Trump Administration has sought to discourage immigration and encourage "self-deportation." Although attrition through enforcement is typically described as a method of persuading unauthorized immigrants to leave the United States, the denaturalization campaign and other Trump Administration initiatives suggest that the same approach is now being applied to those with legal status.
The current debate on political participation is bound to a discussion about whether citizens are active or passive. This dichotomous notion is nurtured by an extensive normative debate concerning whether passivity is an asset or a threat to democracy; and it is especially manifest in studies of young people's political orientations. Drawing on this discussion, the present study goes beyond the dichotomy by keeping political interest conceptually separate from participation in order to improve our understanding of political passivity. Multivariate cluster analysis of empirical data on Swedish youth suggests that we need to consider three distinctive forms of 'political passivity'. In the paper we present empirical evidence not only of the existence of a particular 'standby citizen', but also of two kinds of genuinely passive young people: unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Alongside active citizens, these people are in distinctly different categories with regard to their political behavior. This entails a new analytical framework that may be used to analyze an empirical phenomenon that has received surprisingly little attention in the literature on political participation and civic engagement.
Introduction Non-citizens often face barriers to HIV care and treatment. Quantifying knowledge of positive HIV status and antiretroviral therapy (ART) coverage among non-citizens in a high HIV-prevalence country like Botswana that is close to achieving UNAIDS "90-90-90" targets may expose important gaps in achieving universal HIV testing and treatment. Methods The Botswana Combination Prevention Project (BCPP) is a pair-matched cluster-randomized trial evaluating the impact of prevention interventions on HIV incidence in 30 rural or peri-urban communities. Community case finding and HIV testing were conducted in home and mobile venues in 15 intervention communities from October 2013-September 2017. In this secondary analysis, we compared HIV positivity, knowledge of positive HIV-status, and ART status among all citizens and non-citizens assessed at intake in the intervention communities. Results HIV status was assessed in 57,556 residents in the intervention communities; 4% (n = 2,463) were non-citizens. Five communities accounted for 81% of the total non-citizens assessed. A lower proportion of non-citizens were HIV-positive (15%; n = 369) compared to citizens (21%; n = 11,416) [p = 0.026]; however, a larger proportion of non-citizens did not know their HIV-positive status prior to BCPP testing (75%) as compared to citizens (15%) [p = 0.003]. Among residents with knowledge of their HIV-positive status before BCPP, 79% of the non-citizens (72/91) were on ART compared to 86% (8,267/9,652) of citizens (p = 0.137). Conclusions Although non-citizens were less likely to know their HIV-positive status compared to citizens, there were no differences in treatment uptake among non-citizens and citizens who knew their status. Designing interventions for non-citizens that provide HIV testing and treatment services commensurate to that of citizens as well as targeting communities with the largest number of non-citizens may help close a meaningful gap in the HIV care cascade and ensure ethical treatment for all HIV-positive persons.
Events since 2011 replaced earlier discussions about authoritarian stability in the Middle East with new ones about the meaning of democracy and the nature of revolution. The experiences and debates of Egyptians in the last six years also raise important questions around citizenship and the nature of political community. Just as there have not always been nation-states, there have not always been feelings of membership, identification, and activity associated with them. Citizenship and political community are frequently discussed in relation to secularism and religion and relative to an argument that the affective claims of Islam are incompatible with the modern presumptively secular state. I argue, however, that the shoring up—or disintegration—of nationalism and citizenship are shaped by the imagination of everyday individuals and state elites.
Cooperation is one of the behavioral traits that define human beings, however we are still trying to understand why humans cooperate. Behavioral experiments have been largely conducted to shed light into the mechanisms behind cooperation-and other behavioral traits. However, most of these experiments have been conducted in laboratories with highly controlled experimental protocols but with limitations in terms of subject pool or decisions' context, which limits the reproducibility and the generalization of the results obtained. In an attempt to overcome these limitations, some experimental approaches have moved human behavior experimentation from laboratories to public spaces, where behaviors occur naturally, and have opened the participation to the general public within the citizen science framework. Given the open nature of these environments, it is critical to establish the appropriate data collection protocols to maintain the same data quality that one can obtain in the laboratories. In this article we introduce Citizen Social Lab, a software platform designed to be used in the wild using citizen science practices. The platform allows researchers to collect data in a more realistic context while maintaining the scientific rigor, and it is structured in a modular and scalable way so it can also be easily adapted for online or brick-and-mortar experimental laboratories. Following citizen science guidelines, the platform is designed to motivate a more general population into participation, but also to promote engaging and learning of the scientific research process. We also review the main results of the experiments performed using the platform up to now, and the set of games that each experiment includes. Finally, we evaluate some properties of the platform, such as the heterogeneity of the samples of the experiments, the satisfaction level of participants, or the technical parameters that demonstrate the robustness of the platform and the quality of the data collected.
Social media websites are rapidly changing the way that Americans live and communicate with one another. Social media sites encourage individuals to constantly share information about one's self (and constantly seek information about others) that would have been private in the past. This experience can alter how an individual views the world in ways that political scientists have not been able to fully capture. In a cross-sectional survey of the American public I find a strong correlation between the use of Facebook and personal blogs and support for civil liberties. Individuals who spend more time self-publicizing on the Internet seem to value freedom of expression more, but also value the right to privacy less than individuals who use social media less often. This pattern suggests that technology may be altering American attitudes on basic democratic values and highlights the need for dynamic research designs that account for the causal effect Internet use may have on individual political development.